On the run, Mr Mandela adopted a series of disguises including those of a chauffeur and a gardener. He travelled outside the country looking for support, but was arrested in South Africa in and was jailed for five years. Two years later, Mr Mandela was sentenced to life imprisonment for organising sabotage at what became known as the Rivonia trial.
He was sent to Robben Island jail. Both he and the ANC had been effectively neutered, Western governments continued to support South Africa's apartheid regime and change seemed as far away as ever.
But the rise of the militant Black Consciousness Movement during the s and the death in custody of one of the movement's founders, student activist Steve Biko, rekindled interest in Mr Mandela and the ANC.
As the black townships went up in flames, an active worldwide anti-apartheid movement was growing, focusing on the express aim of freeing Nelson Mandela and his fellow prisoners. Sanctions, demonstrations and music concerts - including one held on Mr Mandela's 70th birthday in - were just a few of the many ways that his plight was kept in the public eye.
South Africa became more isolated, businesses and banks refused to do business with it and the clamour for change increased. In , the South African government, which had already begun to water down some aspects of apartheid legislation, finally agreed to open negotiations, and Nelson Mandela was released. He easily won the election in and became South Africa's first black president, by which time apartheid had been dismantled. South Africa's people were now equal under the law and could vote, and live, as they wished.
Nelson Mandela Centre of Memory. Nelson Mandela's Childrens Fund. South African parliament. South African Broadcasting Corporation. African National Congress. This video can not be played To play this video you need to enable JavaScript in your browser. What was apartheid?
A second look back at decades of injustice. Nelson Mandela: "It is an ideal for which I am prepared to die". Freedom charter.
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Download references. You can also search for this author in PubMed Google Scholar. Reprints and Permissions. Hickson, J. Childshock: The effects of apartheid on the mental health of South Africa's children. Int J Adv Counselling 14, — Download citation. Issue Date : June Anyone you share the following link with will be able to read this content:. Sorry, a shareable link is not currently available for this article. Provided by the Springer Nature SharedIt content-sharing initiative.
Pass, pass, pass. It is still the same. It is very sad. Indeed, troubling similarities exist between the old apartheid pass law enforcement system and the current migrants control system. Pass law violations were the most common criminal charge during the operation of the influx control system.
Today, arrests for violations of the Aliens Control Act clearly outstrip all other arrests. In , the Department of Home Affairs "repatriated" , "illegal aliens," a startling average of per day. The same institutional structures once responsible for enforcing influx control laws--including the Department of Home Affairs, the police, and the army--now enforce the system of migrants control.
Most disturbingly, the heavy-handed tactics associated with influx control continue to be used to control migrants. Finally, despite the heavy-handedness and systematic abuses, the system of migrants control is as ineffective in controlling migration as influx control was in controlling the movement of black South Africans.
The new South Africa has seen a marked increase in the profile of migration related issues in the mass media. Much of this coverage is uninformed and perpetuates untested assumptions about the negative impact of migrants on the economy and on crime and drug abuse levels. There is little coverage of the systematic abuse of human rights in the implementation of the aliens control system, nor is there informed coverage of the underlying issues of labor exploitation which the current system clearly perpetuates.
This report aims to redress one of these imbalances, and focuses on the systematic abuse of migrants at all stages of the aliens control system. South Africa has pledged itself to the creation and nurturing of a vibrant democratic society committed to a culture of human rights. In his inauguration speech, President Nelson Mandela pledged that "never, never and never again shall it be that this beautiful land will again experience the oppression of one by another.
Estimating the total number of migrants currently residing in South Africa is a difficult task. Recent estimates have shown a distinct upwards trend, as Professor Jonathan Crush explains in a recent study:. The numbers involved are a source of considerable controversy within South Africa, with wildly variable estimates being thrown around. Before , most estimates of the total number of undocumented aliens were below two million although even the basis of that figure is unclear.
By late , police were citing figures of eight million in total and , Mozambicans. This was hardly surprising; since those seeking more resources for policing were always likely to exaggerate the figures. More alarming was the pseudo-scientific justification for these kind of numbers. In their latest unpublished report, the HSRC raises their estimate to as many as twelve million. These kinds of figures are waved around by the press, certain politicians and some commentators.
Mathias Brunk has critically reviewed the figures and rightly concludes that "we have too little knowledge to justify any precise estimates or assumptions. Despite the unreliability of the popular estimates of the number of undocumented migrants in South Africa, certain public officials continue to invoke the highest estimates in order to suggest a state of crisis with regard to the presence of migrants into South Africa.
For example, in his first introductory speech to Parliament, Minister of Home Affairs Mangosutho Buthelezi stated that "if we as South Africans are going to compete for scarce resources with millions of aliens who are pouring into South Africa, then we can bid goodbye to our Reconstruction and Development Programme. Most likely, the total number of undocumented or "illegal" migrants is significantly smaller than the alarmist numbers being tossed around by politicians and the media in South Africa.
The lack of reliable data makes it impossible to put a precise figure on the number of undocumented migrants in South Africa, since by definition they are not officially recorded, but an educated guess would place the number somewhere between , and 1.
In January , South Africa had received 38, asylum applications. It is clear, however, that South Africa is deporting a much larger number of undocumented migrants today than ever before. The number of deportations has steadily grown from 44, in , to 96, in , to , in In , Mozambicans alone accounted for , of the , persons repatriated, and Zimbabweans were the second largest group, with 17, deportations. Other countries with a significant number of repatriations in were Lesotho 4, , Malawi 1, , Swaziland , and Tanzania Although figures for show a slight decline in numbers deported, they remain high: South Africa deported , persons in , including , Mozambicans and 21, Zimbabweans.
It is unclear whether this quadrupling of deportations in less than a decade is a result of a stepped-up campaign to identify, arrest, and deport migrants, or instead reflects a similar absolute rise in the total number of undocumented migrants in South Africa. Some of the deportees interviewed by Human Rights Watch felt that there had been a definite increase in the efforts to trace, arrest, and deport undocumented migrants from South Africa.
When asked if Mozambicans were also deported by the previous government, one recent Mozambican deportee responded:. They were, but not the way it is happening now. Before, you could work for a year without having these problems. Now things are difficult. They arrest many people. You can't work for three weeks without getting arrested.
If you have bad luck, you won't complete two days. Sometimes, they come and arrest you the day before pay-day, and you lose your money. Many migrants who are deported, especially those deported to neighboring countries, return almost immediately to South Africa. For some undocumented workers from these countries, arrest and deportation is a relatively routine, albeit unpleasant, part of working and residing in South Africa. Police and army officials repeatedly told Human Rights Watch about migrants whom they had arrested and deported dozens of times, and many of the persons interviewed by us had been previously deported--and frequently told us that they would return again to South Africa.
Thus, deportation statistics are not a reliable method to estimate the total population of undocumented migrants in South Africa, since the same person is often counted multiple times. The creation of fourteen Internal Tracing Units within the South African Police Service since , and the increasingly visible role of the South African Defence National Force in migrants control suggests that the rise in repatriations is at least partly related to a rise in aggressive enforcement of immigration control laws.
South Africa has for well over a century been the center of an extensive system of labor migration in the southern African region. Foreign mine workers have traditionally made up at least forty percent of the South African mine labor force, and in the s foreigners represented eighty percent of mine workers.
Work on the mines is one of the most important employment opportunities available to citizens of the main source countries, and these countries depend heavily on the income produced which returns to the home country through a system of mandatory remittances.
For example, a World Bank study commented on the importance of mine work to Lesotho's economy:. Most important is Lesotho's export of human capital to South Africa, hence, its reputation as a labor pool for South Africa's mines. The census found that nearly half of Lesotho's adult male workers were employed in South Africa.
Historically, this migration system was regulated through a highly formalized system of bilateral contracts with neighboring countries for the purpose of supplying labor to the mines and for the large farms. These bilateral intergovernmental treaties regulated the terms of employment and conditions of access to the South African labor market, including recruitment procedures, wages, mandatory remittance procedures, and the appointment of labor officials to oversee and protect the interests of the foreign workers.
The post-apartheid government inherited a series of bilateral labor agreements with the governments of Mozambique, Lesotho, Botswana, Swaziland, and Malawi.
The South African Department of Labor has proposed abolishing the bilateral labor agreement system, arguing that the treaties "do not conform in many respects to ILO norms and standards, that they are not uniform and that they are outmoded. An increasing number of foreign miners are being recruited through a sub-contracting system, a process that classifies them as temporary workers and exempts them from union wage agreements, death and benefit schemes, and retirement saving schemes.
Improved working conditions on the mines have attracted an increasing number of South Africans to the industry, while at the same time the overall number of jobs available on the mines has declined, leading to heightened tensions between local and foreign miners and contributing to the outbreak of violence on some mines.
South Africa has had similar arrangements in place to regulate the employment of undocumented workers on South African farms. In the case of Mozambique, a labor office in Nelspruit and a recruitment office in Ressano Garcia aid South African farmers to obtain the required documents from the Department of Home Affairs for the recruitment of Mozambican labor. However, the ready availability of undocumented migrant farm workers prompts many farmers to flout the official recruitment procedures.
Officially, a farmer is supposed to apply for a permit from the Department of Home Affairs which allows him legally to recruit a number of foreign farm workers, after a determination by the Department of Home Affairs that he cannot find adequate local labor. The undocumented migrants--most often, the farmer just recruits among the undocumented migrants already present in the region--then receive temporary work permits that legalize their status.
In reality, many farmers never apply for the permit, partly because of the complex and time-consuming process and partly because an illegal worker is unlikely to approach the authorities about abuse because of fear of deportation.
Even where a farmer has legalized his workers, the employee rarely benefits. In many cases, the farmer will keep the documents conferring legal status from the employee, thereby effectively forcing the employee to stay on the grounds of the farm because he could otherwise be apprehended and deported. Army officials told us how Mozambican children would sometimes cross the border solely to beg for food from the soldiers.
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